History of Civil Rights and Racial Integration in South Los Angeles
A picture of the civil rights movement.
From the beginning of their time in Los Angeles, African Americans have faced discrimination on an institutional level. Discrimination in the housing market, schools, banks, the justice system and from neighboring communities have laid the foundation for a disenfranchised community ridden with crime, high levels of unemployment, drug use, alcoholism and gang violence.
The Great Migration
In the 1920's, the African American population in Los Angeles reached 15,579. In the 1930's during the Great Migration, nearly 25,000 mainly poor and rural Southern African Americans arrived in Los Angeles. And in the 1940's the African American population in Los Angeles eclipsed all the other cities with 63,744 which compared to only 5,000 in San Francisco and 8,500 in Oakland.
The Second Great Migration in the 1940's brought about the majority of the African American population seen in Los Angeles during that era. As World War II commenced, the defense industry's productions skyrocketed in Los Angeles with more than $11 billion in war contracts. This called for factory labor in the automobile, rubber and steel industries. African Americans migrated West in response to this need and the African American population in Los Angeles leaped from 63,700 in 1940 to 763,000 in 1970, due to this prolonged three decade migration.
The Second Great Migration in the 1940's brought about the majority of the African American population seen in Los Angeles during that era. As World War II commenced, the defense industry's productions skyrocketed in Los Angeles with more than $11 billion in war contracts. This called for factory labor in the automobile, rubber and steel industries. African Americans migrated West in response to this need and the African American population in Los Angeles leaped from 63,700 in 1940 to 763,000 in 1970, due to this prolonged three decade migration.
Housing Uncertainties
Those that settled themselves in Los Angeles from the initial Great Migration were enjoying a peaceful life in Los Angeles with about 36% of them owning homes in 1910. The African Americans of the first Great Migration were moving themselves towards the middle class and were enjoying their small and tight knit communities in contained parts of South Los Angeles.
Unfortunately, with the influx of the African Americans brought about by the war industry in the 40's, established African Americans from the first migration were vary of the situation this new group of migrants would bring about. With the surge of the African American population in South Los Angeles and a demand for more housing in Los Angeles, developers such as Davenport Builders, saw opportunities to build on the undeveloped lands of Compton, which at the time was a Caucasian neighborhood. These white neighborhoods such as Compton, that were on the cusps of being penetrated by the influx of African American migrants became a battle ground of racial tension.
In particular, South Slauson, South Gate and Huntington Park became the foregrounds of the racial battles over territory and the preservation of Caucasian single family neighborhoods. White gangs in the these areas would attack African Americans who crossed over into their neighborhoods or streets. On more than one instance, white residents resorted to bombings, shootings and setting fires to lawns of African American families who were encroaching upon their all white suburbs. A earlier response to these violent racial tensions were addressed by the Supreme Court in the case of Buchanan vs. Warley, which declared municipally mandated racial zoning unconstitutional. Unfortunately, the ruling dealt only with legal statues and white residents instead used private agreements in the form of restrictive covenants to restrict African Americans from occupying homes in their white suburban neighborhoods.
Real estate planning commissions during this time also supported the white community's rights to keep themselves from integration. The City of Compton guarded their neighborhood by introducing restrictions such as the revoking of a real estate license for selling to colored individuals, and the FHA's denial of loans for homes with restrictive covenants barring colored individuals from buying the home.
No other community in South Los Angeles in that time utilized restrictive covenants to maintain the whiteness of their communities to the extent that Compton did. According to an essay by Josh Sides, the director of the Center for Southern California Studies at CSU Northridge, the Compton City Council during the beginning of World War II fiercely resisted the construction of a public housing complex in their neighborhood because they considered it, "negro housing." This campaign by the City Council received wide support throughout the community and mobs formed under the slogan, "keep the negros north of 130th street." Along with these types of rallies, violence and intimidation was also used in attempts to stave off the African Americans living too close to the borders of their neighborhood. Fortunately, in the spirit of equality, the court case decision of Shelley vs Kraemer in 1948 declared racially restrictive covenants to be unenforceable by the state. Meaning that though private agreements could be made, the State could not intervene in the case that a restrictive covenant was broken.
This breakthrough in the restrictions for housing in Compton led the way for developers to construct and sell the first homes to African Americans in 1952. Those attempting to buy homes in Compton during the 50's were middle and working class African Americans who were trying to get away from the growing congestion and deteriorating housing stock in South Central. In the 1950's Census, 4.8% of the 48,000 residents of Compton were African American. After only two years, the African American population jumped to 10.8% and in 1960's, the census revealed that only 60% of Compton was white with other 40% being African American and Hispanic. How did a all-white neighborhood fiercely and actively fighting against housing integration become 40% African Americans in only a decade? Apart from the efforts of developers like Davenport Builders who were capitalizing on the economic opportunities of Compton at the time, other individuals also saw the value in the market in providing African American housing in white Compton. These opportunists used the popular technique of blockbusting as they saw it to be a means of making money. In the practice of block busting, these realtors would harness the hysteria Caucasians had of African Americans invading their neighborhoods. They would use this hysteria to buy homes from Caucasians at reduce rates to only sell the homes back to African Americans at higher rates. Realtors in Compton bought homes from the whites in the neighborhood and sold them to African Americans. It was through this process that the once white suburbs of South Central Los Angeles turned into African American neighborhoods.
Though housing was a fiercely contested in the neighborhoods on the borders of South Central during the Second Great Migration, school integration also presented its own battles for equality and integration.
Unfortunately, with the influx of the African Americans brought about by the war industry in the 40's, established African Americans from the first migration were vary of the situation this new group of migrants would bring about. With the surge of the African American population in South Los Angeles and a demand for more housing in Los Angeles, developers such as Davenport Builders, saw opportunities to build on the undeveloped lands of Compton, which at the time was a Caucasian neighborhood. These white neighborhoods such as Compton, that were on the cusps of being penetrated by the influx of African American migrants became a battle ground of racial tension.
In particular, South Slauson, South Gate and Huntington Park became the foregrounds of the racial battles over territory and the preservation of Caucasian single family neighborhoods. White gangs in the these areas would attack African Americans who crossed over into their neighborhoods or streets. On more than one instance, white residents resorted to bombings, shootings and setting fires to lawns of African American families who were encroaching upon their all white suburbs. A earlier response to these violent racial tensions were addressed by the Supreme Court in the case of Buchanan vs. Warley, which declared municipally mandated racial zoning unconstitutional. Unfortunately, the ruling dealt only with legal statues and white residents instead used private agreements in the form of restrictive covenants to restrict African Americans from occupying homes in their white suburban neighborhoods.
Real estate planning commissions during this time also supported the white community's rights to keep themselves from integration. The City of Compton guarded their neighborhood by introducing restrictions such as the revoking of a real estate license for selling to colored individuals, and the FHA's denial of loans for homes with restrictive covenants barring colored individuals from buying the home.
No other community in South Los Angeles in that time utilized restrictive covenants to maintain the whiteness of their communities to the extent that Compton did. According to an essay by Josh Sides, the director of the Center for Southern California Studies at CSU Northridge, the Compton City Council during the beginning of World War II fiercely resisted the construction of a public housing complex in their neighborhood because they considered it, "negro housing." This campaign by the City Council received wide support throughout the community and mobs formed under the slogan, "keep the negros north of 130th street." Along with these types of rallies, violence and intimidation was also used in attempts to stave off the African Americans living too close to the borders of their neighborhood. Fortunately, in the spirit of equality, the court case decision of Shelley vs Kraemer in 1948 declared racially restrictive covenants to be unenforceable by the state. Meaning that though private agreements could be made, the State could not intervene in the case that a restrictive covenant was broken.
This breakthrough in the restrictions for housing in Compton led the way for developers to construct and sell the first homes to African Americans in 1952. Those attempting to buy homes in Compton during the 50's were middle and working class African Americans who were trying to get away from the growing congestion and deteriorating housing stock in South Central. In the 1950's Census, 4.8% of the 48,000 residents of Compton were African American. After only two years, the African American population jumped to 10.8% and in 1960's, the census revealed that only 60% of Compton was white with other 40% being African American and Hispanic. How did a all-white neighborhood fiercely and actively fighting against housing integration become 40% African Americans in only a decade? Apart from the efforts of developers like Davenport Builders who were capitalizing on the economic opportunities of Compton at the time, other individuals also saw the value in the market in providing African American housing in white Compton. These opportunists used the popular technique of blockbusting as they saw it to be a means of making money. In the practice of block busting, these realtors would harness the hysteria Caucasians had of African Americans invading their neighborhoods. They would use this hysteria to buy homes from Caucasians at reduce rates to only sell the homes back to African Americans at higher rates. Realtors in Compton bought homes from the whites in the neighborhood and sold them to African Americans. It was through this process that the once white suburbs of South Central Los Angeles turned into African American neighborhoods.
Though housing was a fiercely contested in the neighborhoods on the borders of South Central during the Second Great Migration, school integration also presented its own battles for equality and integration.
School Segregation/Integration
African Americans protesting school segregation during the Civil Rights Movement.
In 1963, the California State Supreme Court ruled in Jackson v Pasadena City School District, stating that segregation of any type was a violation of the state constitution. Specifically, this case was addressing segregation in schools, even if the segregation was based on residential housing patterns.
In same year, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed a lawsuit on behalf of students in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) against school segregation. In the battle for desegregated school, the ACLU chose two schools as the testing grounds for desegregation, Jordan High School an all black school, and South Gate High School an all white school. The NAACP and the ACLU fought to integrate these school while the white residents of South Gate countered with their own defense. They stated that, it was not civil rights and segregation they were against, rather it was simply the fact that if the schools were to integrate, their house property values would go down.
Though white residents fought fiercely, in 1964 the Civil Rights Act was passed. This was a piece of legislation that outlawed all forms of segregation and discrimination in the US. Citizens of Los Angeles were wary of these new changes, because in the same year, Californian voters put Prop 14 on the ballot. This ballot initiative was designed to overturn the Rumford Fair Housing Act of 1963, which help end discrimination in the housing market against real estate agents and property owners who discriminated against colored people. Many speculate this Prop to have been one of the many motivators of the Watts Riots, as the disenfranchised and impoverished African Americans of South Central Los Angeles felt the strong opposition against their assimilation into a fair and equal society.
In same year, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed a lawsuit on behalf of students in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) against school segregation. In the battle for desegregated school, the ACLU chose two schools as the testing grounds for desegregation, Jordan High School an all black school, and South Gate High School an all white school. The NAACP and the ACLU fought to integrate these school while the white residents of South Gate countered with their own defense. They stated that, it was not civil rights and segregation they were against, rather it was simply the fact that if the schools were to integrate, their house property values would go down.
Though white residents fought fiercely, in 1964 the Civil Rights Act was passed. This was a piece of legislation that outlawed all forms of segregation and discrimination in the US. Citizens of Los Angeles were wary of these new changes, because in the same year, Californian voters put Prop 14 on the ballot. This ballot initiative was designed to overturn the Rumford Fair Housing Act of 1963, which help end discrimination in the housing market against real estate agents and property owners who discriminated against colored people. Many speculate this Prop to have been one of the many motivators of the Watts Riots, as the disenfranchised and impoverished African Americans of South Central Los Angeles felt the strong opposition against their assimilation into a fair and equal society.
Watts Riots
August 11, 1965 - Marquette Frye was arrested in South Central for driving under the influence. Marquette’s brother heard of the news and brother their mother over to the scene. Marquette’s mother started to harass the police and in the heat of the moment, she ripped one of the officers shirts. In response, the police bashed Marquette’s mother in the head with a baton and arrested the two brothers and their mother. A mob was forming while all the drama unfolded and after the police left, the mob grew even bigger. When the police arrived to break up the crowd, they were attacked with concrete and rocks, 29 people were arrested that night. The next day, black community members tried to calm down the community, but they did so to no avail. Later on that day, riots broke out in South Central. The five day riot that ensued resulted in 34 deaths, 1,032 injuries, 3,428 arrests and over $40 million in property damage.
When the riots settled, Governor Pat Brown set up the the McCone Commission. This commission released a 101 paged report on December 2, 1965 entitled Violence in the City—An End or a Beginning?: A Report by the Governor's Commission on the Los Angeles Riots, 1965. The report established that the root causes for the riots were poor schools, high unemployment levels and inferior living conditions for the African Americans in Watts. Though they brought these issues to light, they made few policy improvements that would change the long term standing of those in South Central.
The Calm Between The Storms
Though the Commission identified the root causes of the riots, there was little done to ameliorate the social and economic conditions in the area. Many of the promises of civil rights era of the 1960’s and the Tom Bradley era of the 70’s and 80’s were left unfulfilled. The area was plagued by unemployment levels as high as 25% with alcoholism and drug addiction at phenomenal rates. With only false commitments made towards helping the African Americans of South Central, African Americans felt their anger and hate grow for the forces that kept them subdued. Another case of police brutality and the injustice of the Justice system in not prosecuting those who had committed crimes against African Americans was all it took to fuel the flames for another massive riot in Los Angeles.
When the riots settled, Governor Pat Brown set up the the McCone Commission. This commission released a 101 paged report on December 2, 1965 entitled Violence in the City—An End or a Beginning?: A Report by the Governor's Commission on the Los Angeles Riots, 1965. The report established that the root causes for the riots were poor schools, high unemployment levels and inferior living conditions for the African Americans in Watts. Though they brought these issues to light, they made few policy improvements that would change the long term standing of those in South Central.
The Calm Between The Storms
Though the Commission identified the root causes of the riots, there was little done to ameliorate the social and economic conditions in the area. Many of the promises of civil rights era of the 1960’s and the Tom Bradley era of the 70’s and 80’s were left unfulfilled. The area was plagued by unemployment levels as high as 25% with alcoholism and drug addiction at phenomenal rates. With only false commitments made towards helping the African Americans of South Central, African Americans felt their anger and hate grow for the forces that kept them subdued. Another case of police brutality and the injustice of the Justice system in not prosecuting those who had committed crimes against African Americans was all it took to fuel the flames for another massive riot in Los Angeles.
Rodney King Riots
The Riots of 1992 have been referred to as the Rodney King Riots and the 1992 Civil Disturbances. This was a dark moment in the history of civil rights and the justice system in Los Angeles. A man named Rodney King was severely beaten by the police following a high pursuit chase. This senseless beating that showcased police brutality was captured on film and showed to the world. One year later, in 1992, a jury acquitted 3 of the 4 officers who had beaten Rodney. The residents of South Central Los Angeles responded with rage that spiraled into six days of terror and chaos. At the end of the 6 day riots when over, there was over 1 billion dollars in damages, 16,000 arrests, 2,500 injured, 58 people killed and over 1,000 buildings destroyed.
Post-Riots
In attempts to address the social ills of South Central that yielded such high rates of unemployment, alcoholism, drug use and crime, organizations like Rebuild LA were formed. Rebuild LA was started as a task force by Governor Pete Wilson and Mayor Tom Bradley. Rebuild LA was run by Peter Ueberroth who was overly enthusiastic and highly charismatic and responsible for the planning of the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles. Its goal was to introduce 57,000 new jobs into the community within the first 5 years, mainly through the construction of super markets in the area. Rebuild LA engaged with talks with Vons and subsequently, Vons committed to building 12 new super markets in the area. Unfortunately, the super markets were going through mergers and labor disputes during the years following the riots, consequentially, Vons retracted its commitment for the 12 supermarkets in the area. Peter Ueberroth left the organization only after one and a half years and the organization stayed together make small gains for the community in the rest of its 5 year term. Though this effort failed, another silent campaign for the removal of liquor stores in South Central made significant gains.
Since the 1950's, liquor stores have proliferated throughout South Los Angeles and liquor store abatement campaigns strived to mitigate the number of these stores through the neighborhood. Liquor stores posed two significant issues for residents in the area, not only did they fuel the alcoholism rooted in the community but they also charged customers a premium on good that would usually be purchased in a grocery store. Community leaders and organizations pushed for the mitigation of these liquor stores. In the 1992 Riots, 200 of the 728 Liquor stores in South Los Angeles burned down. Community Coalitions teamed up with council members to deny the reconstruction permits for many of these liquor stores which resulted in the closure of many of these shops.
In attempting to change the face of South Central Los Angeles, Bill Clinton enacted the Empowerment Zones and Enterprise Communities Act, of 1993. Using this program along with the Enterprise Zone program and the Los Angeles Revitalization Zone, which were also created in response to the riots, employers could receive government subsidies in the form of tax credits, wage credits, city business tax waivers and the Department of Water and power subsidies in return for opening their business in South Central. These programs were created to foster economic growth in South Central in the form of jobs.
A assessment conducted of these incentives by the Government Accountibiliy Office, found that there was no appreciable growth or reduction in employment in the target areas. The assessment found that many of the target areas for growth were ridden with too many homeless for employers to consider setting up shop. Ultimately, the failure of these subsidies can be attributed to the fact that no amount of subsidies or low interest loans could encourage employers to open their business in an area plagued with crime, homelessness and the very significant possibility of another riot.
Since the 1950's, liquor stores have proliferated throughout South Los Angeles and liquor store abatement campaigns strived to mitigate the number of these stores through the neighborhood. Liquor stores posed two significant issues for residents in the area, not only did they fuel the alcoholism rooted in the community but they also charged customers a premium on good that would usually be purchased in a grocery store. Community leaders and organizations pushed for the mitigation of these liquor stores. In the 1992 Riots, 200 of the 728 Liquor stores in South Los Angeles burned down. Community Coalitions teamed up with council members to deny the reconstruction permits for many of these liquor stores which resulted in the closure of many of these shops.
In attempting to change the face of South Central Los Angeles, Bill Clinton enacted the Empowerment Zones and Enterprise Communities Act, of 1993. Using this program along with the Enterprise Zone program and the Los Angeles Revitalization Zone, which were also created in response to the riots, employers could receive government subsidies in the form of tax credits, wage credits, city business tax waivers and the Department of Water and power subsidies in return for opening their business in South Central. These programs were created to foster economic growth in South Central in the form of jobs.
A assessment conducted of these incentives by the Government Accountibiliy Office, found that there was no appreciable growth or reduction in employment in the target areas. The assessment found that many of the target areas for growth were ridden with too many homeless for employers to consider setting up shop. Ultimately, the failure of these subsidies can be attributed to the fact that no amount of subsidies or low interest loans could encourage employers to open their business in an area plagued with crime, homelessness and the very significant possibility of another riot.
The New South Los Angeles
There were diverse initiatives set about by the public sector and non-profit organizations to fix the social problems that plagued the African American community. But statistics show that though South Central has been associated with African American crime and social ills, Mexican Americans and Latin Americans also made up a large percentage of residents in South Los Angeles. An example from the riots tell the story of the true demographics of South Central, in the riots, 51% of those arrested were Latino while only 38% of those arrested were African American. The 1990 Census shows that Latinos constituted 45.5% of the area and only 10 years later in the 2000 Census they made up 58.8% of the population in South Los Angeles. As of the present, in the 2010 Census, Latinos now constitute 66.3% of South Los Angeles. This change in demographic has "fixed" what the government and non-profit organizations have been working at for decades.
The high employment rate of these new Latino residents of South Los Angeles accounts for the newfound economic vibrancy of the area. With these high rates of employment, the Mexican Americans and Latin Americans have acquired a new found level of purchasing power. A Harvard economist, Michael Potter reported in his 2006 assessment of innercity purchasing power that residents of South Los Angeles spent approximately 122 Billion on retail in the area. Developers and retailers responded to this purchasing power by opening up retail establishments and building housing in areas once seen to be a risky investment. The ultimate marker for the prosperity and change that has overcome the neighborhood can be seen in the 12 new Starbucks that have sprung up throughout South Los Angeles in the last decade. South Los Angeles is now on the fast track to becoming an active and vibrant community in Los Angeles.
The high employment rate of these new Latino residents of South Los Angeles accounts for the newfound economic vibrancy of the area. With these high rates of employment, the Mexican Americans and Latin Americans have acquired a new found level of purchasing power. A Harvard economist, Michael Potter reported in his 2006 assessment of innercity purchasing power that residents of South Los Angeles spent approximately 122 Billion on retail in the area. Developers and retailers responded to this purchasing power by opening up retail establishments and building housing in areas once seen to be a risky investment. The ultimate marker for the prosperity and change that has overcome the neighborhood can be seen in the 12 new Starbucks that have sprung up throughout South Los Angeles in the last decade. South Los Angeles is now on the fast track to becoming an active and vibrant community in Los Angeles.
Bibliography
1. Discourse Anaylsis in Newspapers: Framing School Segregation in Los Angeles Ryane McAuliffe Straus
2.Race and American Political Development By Joseph E. Lowndes, Julie Novkov, Dorian T. Warren
http://www.nps.gov/nr/feature/afam/2010/afam_los_angeles.htm
3.The City of African American Angels: Emergence of the Los Angeles Ghetto, 1890-1930 Lawrence B. De
http://www.kcet.org/socal/departures/landofsunshine/portraits/a-southern-california-dream-deferred.html
4. Not Just African American And White: Historical And Contemporary Perspectives on ... Compton Housing
2.Race and American Political Development By Joseph E. Lowndes, Julie Novkov, Dorian T. Warren
http://www.nps.gov/nr/feature/afam/2010/afam_los_angeles.htm
3.The City of African American Angels: Emergence of the Los Angeles Ghetto, 1890-1930 Lawrence B. De
http://www.kcet.org/socal/departures/landofsunshine/portraits/a-southern-california-dream-deferred.html
4. Not Just African American And White: Historical And Contemporary Perspectives on ... Compton Housing