Industrialism, Industrialism, and Zoning of Early LA
Figure 1 - An 1909 map drawing of Los Angeles.
When Los Angeles first began, it was only inhabited by two thousand residents. This number is surprising because the current population of Los Angeles is well over three million. But what happened in the development to make Los Angeles the city it is today? One of its key factors is definitely its industrial development and the railroad. Immigrants and travelers need a quick and safe way of traveling and the railroad is the answer. And when Los Angeles’ potential as an industrial city was known, the rate of new immigrants skyrocketed and created the city we know today.
In 1868, the San Pedro railroad became the first railroad to connect the city of San Pedro to the city of Los Angles. This lead to further development as Los Angeles became connected to northern California and to the eastern states. In 1892 a man named Edward L. Doheny discovered oil and kick started a business that would attract over eighty thousand new residents in eight years. With the population growing so fast in a short amount of time, the city of Los Angeles needed a plan to provide for the huge population. Thus, in 1908 Los Angeles approved to have an ordinance which established the nation’s first land use designations and in 1910 the City Council of Los Angeles established a planning committee consisting of fifteen members in order to further help the development of the city and maintain its artistic traits along with its practical traits. This allowed the planning of the city to be more organized as shown in figure 1. As you can see in the drawing of Los Angeles, the roads became better and the buildings more uniformed. City blocks are apparent in the map drawing and residential housing is shown surrounding the business districts. For example, the three major oil companies are located in the middle of the map. This shows that the establishment of the oil companies and factories is the main factor of the increase in residents and the development in planned housing because of the fact that the housings surrounded the companies. Los Angeles also built its first power plant to feed the demand from a bigger population in 1917 and in 1920 the Los Angeles planning committee was replaced the Los Angeles planning commission which composed of 52 members.
Gordon Whitnall was part of the 52 member commission and served as its secretary and professional planner. While working in the commission, he was responsible for Los Angeles’ adoption of its first Street Plan and its first Zoning Ordinance. The Los Angeles’ Zoning Ordinance of 1921 covered the entire city and overruled any other zoning ordinance made by the city council before the 1920s. The city council’s zoning ordinances were quickly made and only consider the short term benefits. For example according to Kathy A. Kolnick, the city council could either vote on a new ordinance within a short time or just cite the offender of the current ordinance. Other methods included designating an area for one purpose or create fire areas to control the location of businesses and industries. These methods however could not meet the demand for Los Angeles’ growing population as residents were running out of places to live and the old houses started to grow too old to provide a safe place to live. The zoning ordinance of 1921 was created by Gordon Whitall in order to override the past ordinance while keeping anything that was a benefit to the planning. The zoning ordinance set specific areas to be resident only and prohibited industrial constructions. Before Whitall retired, he designed a zoning ordinance in 1930 which shaped Los Angeles to the current city it is today. The 1930 zoning ordinance established requirements which included height, area and density of the buildings and procedures such as hearings, public notices, and variances.
In 1868, the San Pedro railroad became the first railroad to connect the city of San Pedro to the city of Los Angles. This lead to further development as Los Angeles became connected to northern California and to the eastern states. In 1892 a man named Edward L. Doheny discovered oil and kick started a business that would attract over eighty thousand new residents in eight years. With the population growing so fast in a short amount of time, the city of Los Angeles needed a plan to provide for the huge population. Thus, in 1908 Los Angeles approved to have an ordinance which established the nation’s first land use designations and in 1910 the City Council of Los Angeles established a planning committee consisting of fifteen members in order to further help the development of the city and maintain its artistic traits along with its practical traits. This allowed the planning of the city to be more organized as shown in figure 1. As you can see in the drawing of Los Angeles, the roads became better and the buildings more uniformed. City blocks are apparent in the map drawing and residential housing is shown surrounding the business districts. For example, the three major oil companies are located in the middle of the map. This shows that the establishment of the oil companies and factories is the main factor of the increase in residents and the development in planned housing because of the fact that the housings surrounded the companies. Los Angeles also built its first power plant to feed the demand from a bigger population in 1917 and in 1920 the Los Angeles planning committee was replaced the Los Angeles planning commission which composed of 52 members.
Gordon Whitnall was part of the 52 member commission and served as its secretary and professional planner. While working in the commission, he was responsible for Los Angeles’ adoption of its first Street Plan and its first Zoning Ordinance. The Los Angeles’ Zoning Ordinance of 1921 covered the entire city and overruled any other zoning ordinance made by the city council before the 1920s. The city council’s zoning ordinances were quickly made and only consider the short term benefits. For example according to Kathy A. Kolnick, the city council could either vote on a new ordinance within a short time or just cite the offender of the current ordinance. Other methods included designating an area for one purpose or create fire areas to control the location of businesses and industries. These methods however could not meet the demand for Los Angeles’ growing population as residents were running out of places to live and the old houses started to grow too old to provide a safe place to live. The zoning ordinance of 1921 was created by Gordon Whitall in order to override the past ordinance while keeping anything that was a benefit to the planning. The zoning ordinance set specific areas to be resident only and prohibited industrial constructions. Before Whitall retired, he designed a zoning ordinance in 1930 which shaped Los Angeles to the current city it is today. The 1930 zoning ordinance established requirements which included height, area and density of the buildings and procedures such as hearings, public notices, and variances.
Industrialism of LA in 1960s-1980s
From the early 1960’s to the late 1980’s, the city of Los Angeles has gone thought a dramatic change in its international and industrial aspect. Los Angeles and other cities around it were majorly industrial cities that focused mainly on manufacturing and related services. For example, in the 1960s, the city of Vernon located south of downtown Los Angeles, consisted of 50,000 workers with less than 100 workers living there. Other cities located near downtown Los Angeles such as Southgate and Watts were also mainly industrial based rather than residential. This attracted many skill workers whom were mainly white and thus the city of Los Angeles was very racial segregated.
However, in the late 1960s, these industrial cities started to fall because many of the factories started to close down. For example, Southgate lost its Firestone Rubber, General Motors and Norris Industries-Weiser Lock along with 12,500 jobs. In just four years, Los Angeles lost more than 75,000 jobs and 40,000 residents. Its well-paid jobs for the minority were replaced by blue-collared jobs and Los Angeles’ overall family income fell from $5,900 to $2,500 among the black population. This recession between the late 1960s and 1970s also decreased the power of organized labor which became a key factor in the reindustrialization and re-internationalization of Los Angeles.
Due to the decline in union activities and membership, the management efforts of the industrial sector strengthen and the labor cost decrease. From this, industrial businesses were able to regain profits lost from union groups and reindustrialize Los Angeles. Also Los Angeles’ recession in the late 1960s was not isolated; there was a nationwide trend where many cities faced closure of their industries. From this, federal policies were created and businesses stared to reform their strategies to adapt to the recession. The recession allowed Los Angeles to deconstruct its older buildings which allowed room for improvements. In the 1980s, Los Angeles regained less than a million manufacturing jobs and expanded over 225.000 square miles. This net job increase was due to Los Angeles’ transaction to two different industries, military and garment, and an increase in high-technology production. Currently, Los Angeles became the top producer for military contracts by NASA and the Department of Defense. The shift to the military industry also increased the number of scientists and skill workers. The garment industry increased employment by nearly 60 percent. The deindustrialization and reindustrialization of Los Angeles also brought a change in its sectorial structure of the regional economy and labor market making three parts of Los Angeles’ job population: white collar, blue collar and unskilled jobs.
During Los Angeles’ “creative deconstruction,” the city became decentered and re-centered. Instead of having a big city surround by smaller industrial cities, Los Angeles started to selectively arrange its regions. This decentralization of Los Angeles resulted in two features. The first feature is a more defined location of financial business (such as banking) and corporate control. The second feature is the development of production buildings around the outer cities. Unlike in the 1960’s, these outer cities were not industrial cities of Los Angeles. Instead of being just a work place, these outer cities bring together a cluster of highly interconnected and technologically advanced industry and supportive service activities. Surround this cluster is a population of high-income homes, shopping malls, and other social entertainments. The industries located on the outer cities were due to an increase in technology advances and its demand by the private and public sectors. Older industrial regions of Los Angeles started to disappear as the city increase the adaption of spatial arrangements. The closures of factories decreased and four counties experienced a 40 percent increase in space. According to Edward Soja, this expansion of the outer cities is a direct reflection of the reindustrialization of Los Angeles that resulted from the recentralization of the city.
However, in the late 1960s, these industrial cities started to fall because many of the factories started to close down. For example, Southgate lost its Firestone Rubber, General Motors and Norris Industries-Weiser Lock along with 12,500 jobs. In just four years, Los Angeles lost more than 75,000 jobs and 40,000 residents. Its well-paid jobs for the minority were replaced by blue-collared jobs and Los Angeles’ overall family income fell from $5,900 to $2,500 among the black population. This recession between the late 1960s and 1970s also decreased the power of organized labor which became a key factor in the reindustrialization and re-internationalization of Los Angeles.
Due to the decline in union activities and membership, the management efforts of the industrial sector strengthen and the labor cost decrease. From this, industrial businesses were able to regain profits lost from union groups and reindustrialize Los Angeles. Also Los Angeles’ recession in the late 1960s was not isolated; there was a nationwide trend where many cities faced closure of their industries. From this, federal policies were created and businesses stared to reform their strategies to adapt to the recession. The recession allowed Los Angeles to deconstruct its older buildings which allowed room for improvements. In the 1980s, Los Angeles regained less than a million manufacturing jobs and expanded over 225.000 square miles. This net job increase was due to Los Angeles’ transaction to two different industries, military and garment, and an increase in high-technology production. Currently, Los Angeles became the top producer for military contracts by NASA and the Department of Defense. The shift to the military industry also increased the number of scientists and skill workers. The garment industry increased employment by nearly 60 percent. The deindustrialization and reindustrialization of Los Angeles also brought a change in its sectorial structure of the regional economy and labor market making three parts of Los Angeles’ job population: white collar, blue collar and unskilled jobs.
During Los Angeles’ “creative deconstruction,” the city became decentered and re-centered. Instead of having a big city surround by smaller industrial cities, Los Angeles started to selectively arrange its regions. This decentralization of Los Angeles resulted in two features. The first feature is a more defined location of financial business (such as banking) and corporate control. The second feature is the development of production buildings around the outer cities. Unlike in the 1960’s, these outer cities were not industrial cities of Los Angeles. Instead of being just a work place, these outer cities bring together a cluster of highly interconnected and technologically advanced industry and supportive service activities. Surround this cluster is a population of high-income homes, shopping malls, and other social entertainments. The industries located on the outer cities were due to an increase in technology advances and its demand by the private and public sectors. Older industrial regions of Los Angeles started to disappear as the city increase the adaption of spatial arrangements. The closures of factories decreased and four counties experienced a 40 percent increase in space. According to Edward Soja, this expansion of the outer cities is a direct reflection of the reindustrialization of Los Angeles that resulted from the recentralization of the city.
Internationalization of LA (1960-1980)
Figure 3 - The entrance to Los Angeles' China Town.
Two major changes in the internationalization of Los Angeles have also been directly related to the reconstruction of the local economy between the 1970s to the 1980s. The first change is a surge of emigrates from third world countries that occurred due to the rise of the local economy in Los Angeles. The second change is an expansion of global capital in Los Angeles from an increase interest by international firms. Both of these increases of labor force and capital has been centered to the reconstruction and redevelopment of downtown Los Angeles.
In the 1960s, the population of Los Angeles was mainly white with a small black and Hispanic population. But since the reindustrialization in the 1970s, a resurgence of emigrates from Mexico and overseas increase the city’s population by almost a million. Following this resurgence of emigrates; many importing laws and taxes have changed. Transport rates increase from products shipped overseas and regulations of foreign delivery contacts are all outcomes from the spike in immigration. Foreign capital has also became a part of Los Angeles when foreign companies started to buying lands and setting up businesses such as hotels, retail stores, and entertainment facilities in locations such as China Town or Little Tokyo. The internationalization of Los Angeles was also developed not only by the increase labor force and capital but also from the increasing global reach of domestic economic interests. Developments of multinational firms and major branch offices in downtown Los Angeles are major factors in its development. Because of this internationalization, Los Angeles has become a major city of corporate interest.
In the 1960s, the population of Los Angeles was mainly white with a small black and Hispanic population. But since the reindustrialization in the 1970s, a resurgence of emigrates from Mexico and overseas increase the city’s population by almost a million. Following this resurgence of emigrates; many importing laws and taxes have changed. Transport rates increase from products shipped overseas and regulations of foreign delivery contacts are all outcomes from the spike in immigration. Foreign capital has also became a part of Los Angeles when foreign companies started to buying lands and setting up businesses such as hotels, retail stores, and entertainment facilities in locations such as China Town or Little Tokyo. The internationalization of Los Angeles was also developed not only by the increase labor force and capital but also from the increasing global reach of domestic economic interests. Developments of multinational firms and major branch offices in downtown Los Angeles are major factors in its development. Because of this internationalization, Los Angeles has become a major city of corporate interest.
Land Use and Zoning of Los Angeles
As stated in the paragraph about early Los Angeles industrialism and internationalism, the establishment of the Los Angeles’ Planning Commission was a huge part of the city’s planning history. The Los Angeles’ Planning Commission was in charge of the city’s land usage and changed its zoning ordinance according to what the city needed. For example, before the planning commission was formed in 1920, there was a shortage of space for housing. The commission passed an ordinance to provide land for housing purposes only. This ordinance overruled the previous zoning areas created by the city council which was a problem for home owners. According to Sloane, this period was known as the Speculator’s regime. During this time the zoning ordinance was fight against by property owners who cared more about profits then providing living spaces for Los Angeles. Even if the commission refused the owners’ request, they could still convince the city council in their favor and most of the major areas became zoned for commercial use. However, only 6% of the 13% commercial land was used to build commercial buildings. In 1928, the ratio of commercial buildings to residential buildings was a 25% which was large compare to the average 9% in other cities. By 1933, only about 5% of the zoned land was used for residential housing and 19.1% was used for commercial, although about 10% of the commercial zoned land was used. This big difference in land usage would eventually lead to a depression in Los Angeles.
The Community Builder's Regime (1930s -1950s)
The city’s zoning problem finally comes to a halt when the Federal Housing Administration was founded in 1934. This administration required strict standards for the reception of federally insured amortized mortgages which denied many mortgages in areas of older construction, non-zoned areas, and areas that threatened the survival of residential areas. Basically the development of the FHA leads to planners to move towards building housing for single families rather than commercial buildings. Growth of real estate was slow at first but after two decades, developers finally manage to convince the city leaders to have a master plan. This master plan led to an increase in residential zones and by the mid-1960s most of the agricultural land in the city was converted to residential areas. Despite the change, another problem occurred because many of the civic leaders and home owners were used to the homogeneous nature of a single-family area. This problem led to the end of the developer driven regime because no one wanted to live in the converted areas.
The Home Owner's Regime (1960s - 1990s)
Although the size of the residential areas increased as big developers converted to real estate, the home owners of Los Angeles started to grow animosity against the big time developers in the 1960s. The reason why is that the unconstructed land of Los Angeles started to dwindle and the developers began to construct in built-up areas which created a denser environment. This led to a shift in the land use planning of Los Angeles as home owners demanded for height requirements in 1962. This demand was successful as the city created “RE” zones for more residential areas and created new zoning designations. The shift in power to the home owners was so big that the land use policies had to change in the inner city. Some of these changes include a decrease in parking requirements in downtown in 1962 and an increase in parking in residential areas in 1965. To combat the home owners, developer-bias groups such as the Planned Unit Developments and the Residential Planned Development were created to allow the dense residential style; However after a scandal in the city council and the RPD in 1966, trust in the city council dropped and power to the home owner groups rose. Then in 1970, the California Environmental Quality Act passed which required developers to do mandatory evaluations to determine the impact a building would have on the environment. This act led to a rise in house price as developers were overdesigning to avoid triggering EIR’s. Home owner power continued to rise as Proposition U was passed to reduce the area of commercial and manufacturing zones. This proposition froze any construction of commercial buildings and because of the reduced construction area, house prices skyrocketed. The housing problem grew worse with the help of Proposition 13 which did not allow cities and counties to raise taxes on residential properties. To try to increase construction by the developers and give lower income family housing, the state offered a density bonus if developers reserved 10% of units for affordable housing. This however did not work because the bonus did not overcome the high land prices.
The Balance Regime (Present Time)
In the 1990’s antigrowth policies still dominate the city of LA. The efforts of home owners to resist construction in LA have caused a housing crisis and overcrowding. Although the General Plan Housing Element reported that LA could hold a little less than a million more units, the cost of land discourages builders from constructing. To combat this crisis, the city formed a task force in 1999 to introduce new zoning designations. By 2010, the actions from the groups to promote growth resulted in about 11 thousand units.
The Community Builder's Regime (1930s -1950s)
The city’s zoning problem finally comes to a halt when the Federal Housing Administration was founded in 1934. This administration required strict standards for the reception of federally insured amortized mortgages which denied many mortgages in areas of older construction, non-zoned areas, and areas that threatened the survival of residential areas. Basically the development of the FHA leads to planners to move towards building housing for single families rather than commercial buildings. Growth of real estate was slow at first but after two decades, developers finally manage to convince the city leaders to have a master plan. This master plan led to an increase in residential zones and by the mid-1960s most of the agricultural land in the city was converted to residential areas. Despite the change, another problem occurred because many of the civic leaders and home owners were used to the homogeneous nature of a single-family area. This problem led to the end of the developer driven regime because no one wanted to live in the converted areas.
The Home Owner's Regime (1960s - 1990s)
Although the size of the residential areas increased as big developers converted to real estate, the home owners of Los Angeles started to grow animosity against the big time developers in the 1960s. The reason why is that the unconstructed land of Los Angeles started to dwindle and the developers began to construct in built-up areas which created a denser environment. This led to a shift in the land use planning of Los Angeles as home owners demanded for height requirements in 1962. This demand was successful as the city created “RE” zones for more residential areas and created new zoning designations. The shift in power to the home owners was so big that the land use policies had to change in the inner city. Some of these changes include a decrease in parking requirements in downtown in 1962 and an increase in parking in residential areas in 1965. To combat the home owners, developer-bias groups such as the Planned Unit Developments and the Residential Planned Development were created to allow the dense residential style; However after a scandal in the city council and the RPD in 1966, trust in the city council dropped and power to the home owner groups rose. Then in 1970, the California Environmental Quality Act passed which required developers to do mandatory evaluations to determine the impact a building would have on the environment. This act led to a rise in house price as developers were overdesigning to avoid triggering EIR’s. Home owner power continued to rise as Proposition U was passed to reduce the area of commercial and manufacturing zones. This proposition froze any construction of commercial buildings and because of the reduced construction area, house prices skyrocketed. The housing problem grew worse with the help of Proposition 13 which did not allow cities and counties to raise taxes on residential properties. To try to increase construction by the developers and give lower income family housing, the state offered a density bonus if developers reserved 10% of units for affordable housing. This however did not work because the bonus did not overcome the high land prices.
The Balance Regime (Present Time)
In the 1990’s antigrowth policies still dominate the city of LA. The efforts of home owners to resist construction in LA have caused a housing crisis and overcrowding. Although the General Plan Housing Element reported that LA could hold a little less than a million more units, the cost of land discourages builders from constructing. To combat this crisis, the city formed a task force in 1999 to introduce new zoning designations. By 2010, the actions from the groups to promote growth resulted in about 11 thousand units.
Sources
1. "Economic Restructuring and the Internationalization of the Los Angeles Region"
By Edward W. Soja
2. pLAnning Issue 1 Volume 1 "A History of Planning in Los Angeles" (1849-1996)
By Alan Bell, AICP
3. Planning Los Angeles
Edited by David C. Sloane
4. Los Angeles Residents’ Guide to Land Use Planning & Development
Prepared by: Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles Community Economic Development Unit
5. Order Before Zoning: Land Use Regulation in Los Angeles, 1880--1915
By Kathy A. Kolnick
By Edward W. Soja
2. pLAnning Issue 1 Volume 1 "A History of Planning in Los Angeles" (1849-1996)
By Alan Bell, AICP
3. Planning Los Angeles
Edited by David C. Sloane
4. Los Angeles Residents’ Guide to Land Use Planning & Development
Prepared by: Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles Community Economic Development Unit
5. Order Before Zoning: Land Use Regulation in Los Angeles, 1880--1915
By Kathy A. Kolnick